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How To Write A Sociology Research Paper Outline: Easy Guide With Template
23 Jan 2022
What Is A Sociology Research Paper?
Sociology Paper Format
Structure of the sociology paper, possible sociology paper topics, writing a great sociology research paper outline, sociology research paper outline example.
Writing a sociology research paper is mandatory in many universities and school classes, where students must properly present a relevant topic chosen with supporting evidence, exhaustive research, and new ways of understanding or explaining some author’s ideas. This type of paper is very common among political science majors and classes but can be assigned to almost every subject.
Learn about the key elements of a sociological paper and how to write an excellent piece
Sociology papers require a certain structure and format to introduce the topic and key points of the research according to academic requirements. For those students struggling with this type of assignment, the following article will share some light about how to write sociology research paper and create a sociology research paper outline, among other crucial points that must be addressed to design and write an outstanding piece.
With useful data about this common research paper, including topic ideas and a detailed outline, this guide will come in handy for all students and writers in need of writing an academic-worthy sociology paper.
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What Is A Sociology Research Paper?
A sociology research paper is a specially written composition that showcases the writer’s knowledge on one or more sociology topics. Writing in sociology requires a certain level of knowledge and skills, such as critical thinking and cohesive writing, to be worthy of great academic recognition.
Furthermore, writing sociology papers have to be done following a type of structure to make sure the hypothesis and the rest of the ideas introduced in the research can be properly read and understood by teachers, peers, and readers in general.
Sociology research papers are commonly written following the format used on reports and are based on interviews, data, and text analysis. Writing a sociology paper requires students to perform unique research on a relevant topic (including the appropriate bibliography and different sources used such as books, websites, scientific journals, etc), test a question or hypothesis that the paper will try to prove or deny, compare different sociologist’s points of view and how/why they state certain sayings and data, among other critical points.
A research paper in sociology also needs to apply the topic on current events, at least in some parts of the piece, in which writers must apply the theory to today’s scenarios. In addition to this, sociology research requires students to perform some kind of field research such as interviews, observational and participant research, and others.
After explaining what this type of paper consists of, it is time to dive into one of the most searched questions online, “what format are sociology papers written in?”. Below you can find a detailed paragraph with all the information necessary.
A sociology paper format follows some standard requirements that can be seen on other types of papers as well. The format commonly used in college and other academic institutions consists of an appropriate citation style, which many professors ask for the traditional APA format but others can also require students to write in ASA style (very similar to APA and the main difference is how you write the author’s name).
The citation is one of the major parts of any sociological research paper that needs to be understood perfectly and used according to the rules established by it. Failing to present a cohesive and correct citing format is very likely to cause the failure of the assignment.
As for the visual part of the paper, a neat and professional font is called for, and generally, the standard sociology paper outline is written in Times New Roman font (12pt and double spaced) with at least 1 inch of margin on both sides. If your professor did not specify which sociology format to use, it is safe to say that this one will be just fine for your delivery.
Sociology papers have a specific structure just like other research pieces, which consist of an introduction, a body with respective paragraphs for each new idea, and a conclusion. In the point below you can find a detailed sociology research paper outline to help you write your statement as smoothly and professionally as possible.
A traditional outline of a sociology research paper is based on a few key points that help present and develop the information and writer’s skills properly. Below you can find a sociology research paper outline to start designing your project according to the standard requirements.
- Introduction. In this first part, you should state the question or problem to be solved during the article. It is recommended to include a hypothesis and support the claim relevant to the field chosen.
- Literature review. Including the literature review is essential to a sociology research paper outline to present the authors and information used.
- Methodology. A traditional outline for a sociology research paper includes the methodology used, in which writers should explain how they approach their research and methods used. It gives credibility to their work and makes it more professional.
- Outcomes & findings. Sociological research papers must include, after the methodology, the outcomes and findings to provide readers with a glimpse of what your paper resulted in. Graphics and tables are highly encouraged to use on this part.
- Discussion. The discussion part of a sociological paper serves as an overall review of the research, how difficult it was and what can be improved.
- Conclusion. Finally, to close your sociology research paper outline it is important to briefly mention the results obtained and do the last paragraph with the writer’s final words on the topic.
- Bibliography. The bibliography should be the last page (or pages) included in the article but in different sheets than the paper (this means, if you finished your article in the middle of the page, the bibliography should start on a new separate one), in which sources must be cited according to the style chosen (APA, ASA, etc).
This sociology research paper outline serves as a great guide for those who want to properly present a sociological piece worthy of academic recognition. Furthermore, to achieve a good grade, it is essential to choose a great topic.
Below you can find some sociology paper topics to help you decide how to begin writing yours.
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To present a quality piece, it is essential to choose a relevant topic inside the sociological field. Here you can find unique sociology research paper topics that will make a great presentation.
- Relationship Between Race and Class
- How Ethnicity Affects Education
- How Women Are Presented By The Media
- Sexuality And Television
- Youth And Technology: A Revision To Social Media
- Technology vs Food: Who Comes First?
- How The Cinema Encourages Unreachable Standards
- Adolescence And Sex
- How Men And Women Are Treated Different In The Workplace
- Anti-vaccination: A Civil Right Or Violation?
These sociology paper topics will serve as a starting point where students can conduct their own research and find their desired approach. Furthermore, these topics can be studied in various decades, which adds more value and data to the paper.
If you’re searching how to write a sociology research paper this part will come in handy. A good sociology research paper must properly introduce the topic chosen while presenting supporting evidence, the methodology used and the sources investigated, and to reach this level of academic excellence the following information will provide a great starting point.
There are three main sociology research paper outlines that serve similar roles but differ in a few things. To begin, the traditional outline utilizes Roman numerals to itemize sections and formats the sub-headings with capital letters, later using Arabic numerals for the next layer. This one is great for those who already have an idea of what they’ll write about.
The second sample is called the post-draft outline, where writers mix both their innovative ideas and the actual paper’s outline. This second type of draft is ideal for those who have a few ideas semi-assembled that need to be developed around the main idea of the paper. Naturally, a student will end up finding its way through the research and structure the piece smoothly while writing it.
Lastly, the third type of outline is referred to as conceptual outline and serves as a visual representation of the text written. Similar to a conceptual map, this outline used big rectangles that include the key topics or headings of the paper, as well as circles that represent the sources used to support those headings. This one is perfect for those who need to visually see their paper assembled and it can also be used to see which ideas need further development or supporting evidence.
Furthermore, to write a great sociology paper the following tips will come of great help.
- Introduction. An eye-catching introduction calls for an unknown or relevant fact that captivates the reader’s attention. Apart from conducting excellent research, students worthy of the highest academic score are those able to present the information properly and in a way that the audience will be interested in reading.
- Body. The paragraphs presented must be written in an attractive way, to make readers want to know more. It is important to explain theories and add supporting evidence to back up your sayings and ideas; empirical data is highly recommended to be added to give the research paper more depth and physical recognition. A great method is to start a paragraph presenting an idea or theory, develop the paragraph with supporting evidence and close it with findings or results. This way readers can easily understand the idea and comprehend what you want to portray.
- Conclusion. For the conclusion, it is highly important to sum up the key points presented in the sociology research paper, and after doing so, professors always recommend adding further readings or suggested bibliography to help readers who are interested in continuing their education on the topic just read.
No matter the method you choose to plan out your sociological papers, you’ll need to cover a few bases of how to assemble your final draft. If you’re stuck on where to begin your work, you can always buy sociology research paper from professional writers. Many students go to the pros to shore up their grades and make time when deadlines become overwhelming. If you do it on your own, be sure to double check your assignment’s requirements and fit them into the following sections.
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The following sociology research paper example will serve as an excellent guide and template which students can customize to fit their topics and key points. The outline below will follow the topic previously mentioned in another section “How Women Are Presented By The Media”.
This sociology paper format written specifically with a topic related to women's portrayal by the media in mind can be used as a guide for writers and students that need a structure prior to writing anything. Students who structure their sociological paper before conducting in-depth research are more likely to succeed; this happens because it is easier and more efficient to research specific key points rather than diving into the topic without any idea of how to approach it or present the information, data, statistics, and others found.
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How to Write Sociology Papers
Writing sociology papers.
Writing is one of the most difficult and most rewarding of all scholarly activities. Few of us, students or professors, find it easy to do. The pain of writing comes largely as a result of bad writing habits. No one can write a good paper in one draft on the night before the paper is due. The following steps will not guarantee a good paper, but they will eliminate the most common problems encountered in bad papers.
1. Select a topic early. Start thinking about topics as soon as the paper is assigned and get approval of your topic choice from the professor before starting the research on the paper. When choosing a topic, think critically. Remember that writing a good sociology paper starts with asking a good sociological question.
2. Give yourself adequate time to do the research. You will need time to think through the things you read or to explore the data you analyze. Also, things will go wrong and you will need time to recover. The one book or article which will help make your paper the best one you've ever done will be unavailable in the library and you have to wait for it to be recalled or to be found through interlibrary loan. Or perhaps the computer will crash and destroy a whole afternoon's work. These things happen to all writers. Allow enough time to finish your paper even if such things happen.
3. Work from an outline. Making an outline breaks the task down into smaller bits which do not seem as daunting. This allows you to keep an image of the whole in mind even while you work on the parts. You can show the outline to your professor and get advice while you are writing a paper rather than after you turn it in for a final grade.
4. Stick to the point. Each paper should contain one key idea which you can state in a sentence or paragraph. The paper will provide the argument and evidence to support that point. Papers should be compact with a strong thesis and a clear line of argument. Avoid digressions and padding.
5. Make more than one draft. First drafts are plagued with confusion, bad writing, omissions, and other errors. So are second drafts, but not to the same extent. Get someone else to read it. Even your roommate who has never had a sociology course may be able to point out unclear parts or mistakes you have missed. The best papers have been rewritten, in part or in whole, several times. Few first draft papers will receive high grades.
6. Proofread the final copy, correcting any typographical errors. A sloppily written, uncorrected paper sends a message that the writer does not care about his or her work. If the writer does not care about the paper, why should the reader?
Such rules may seem demanding and constricting, but they provide the liberation of self discipline. By choosing a topic, doing the research, and writing the paper you take control over a vital part of your own education. What you learn in the process, if you do it conscientiously, is far greater that what shows up in the paper or what is reflected in the grade.
EMPIRICAL RESEARCH PAPERS
Some papers have an empirical content that needs to be handled differently than a library research paper. Empirical papers report some original research. It may be based on participant observation, on secondary analysis of social surveys, or some other source. The outline below presents a general form that most articles published in sociology journals follow. You should get specific instructions from professors who assign empirical research papers.
1. Introduction and statement of the research question.
2. Review of previous research and theory.
3. Description of data collection including sample characteristics and the reliability and validity of techniques employed.
4. Presentation of the results of data analysis including explicit reference to the implications the data have for the research question.
5. Conclusion which ties the loose ends of the analysis back to the research question.
6. End notes (if any).
7. References cited in the paper.
Tables and displays of quantitative information should follow the rules set down by Tufte in the work listed below.
Tufte, Edward. 1983. The Visual Display of Quantitative Information . Cheshire, CT: Graphics Press. (lib QA 90 T93 1983)
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Sociology Research Paper
This sample sociology research paper features: 10800 words (approx. 36 pages), an outline, and a bibliography with 59 sources. Browse other research paper examples for more inspiration. If you need a thorough research paper written according to all the academic standards, you can always turn to our experienced writers for help. This is how your paper can get an A! Feel free to contact our writing service for professional assistance. We offer high-quality assignments for reasonable rates.
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The early sociology, the foundation of social science: statistical studies, the rise of american sociology, the substance of the sociological perspective, the passion for sociology, conclusion: the future of sociology.
A commonly accepted definition of sociology as a special science is that it is the study of social aggregates and groups in their institutional organization, of institutions and their organization, and of the causes and consequences of changes in institutions and social organization. (Albert J. Reiss, Jr. 1968:1)
Within the contemporary context, sociologists are interested in human social interaction as people take one another into account as each behaves toward the other. Sociologists also take into analytical consideration the systemic units of interaction within social groups, social relations, and social organizations. As stated by Reiss (1968), the purview of sociology extends to
Governments, corporations, and school systems to such territorial organizations as communities or to the schools, factories, and churches . . . that are components of communities. . . . are also concerned with social aggregates, or populations, in their institutional organization. (P. 1)
Sociology is, as Touraine (1990) suggests, an interpretation of social experience and is thus a part of the reality that the practitioners of the discipline attempt to observe and explain. To these areas we can add that sociology is a discipline that demystifies its subject matter, and it is, as Dennis H. Wrong (1990:21–22) notes, a debunker of popular beliefs, holds skeptical and critical views of the institutions that are studied (Smelser 1990), and challenges myth making (Best 2001).
The early history of sociology is a history of ideas developed in the European tradition, whereas the sociological approach of the last 150 years involved the development of concepts, methodology, and theories, especially in the United States (Goudsblom and Heilbron 2001). As American sociologists trained in the traditional theory and methods developed during the first eight decades of the twentieth century, we acknowledge our intellectual debt to the European founders. But beyond an earnest recognition of the classic work of the early founders, including Auguste Comte, Émile Durkheim, Alexis de Tocqueville, Frederic LePlay, Marcell Mauss, Max Weber, Karl Marx, and Harriet Martineau, most of whom were attracted to the European environment that included the liberalism, radicalism, and conservatism of the early to mid-nineteenth century (Nisbet 1966; Friedrichs 1970) and to what C. Wright Mills (1959) refers to as the sociological imagination that “enables us to grasp history and biography and the relations between the two within society” (p. 6), our approach to sociology is deeply embedded with and indebted to those individuals who established the Chicago, Harvard, Iowa, and Berkeley schools of thought. Similarly, as practitioners, our approach to the discipline of sociology is reflected in these distinctive American scholarly perspectives.
The American tradition of sociology has focused on social policy issues relating to social problems, the recognition of which grew out of the dynamic periods of social transformation wrought by the Industrial Revolution, the Progressive Era, world crises engendered by war, worldwide population shifts, increasing mechanization, and the effort of sociologists to create a specific niche for the discipline within a growing scientific community. This effort occurred first in North America and Western Europe and then, similar to cultural transitions of the past, within a global context. In every instance, the motives embedded within a science of society lie in the attempt to understand and offer proposals for solutions to whatever problems gain significant attention at a particular point in time.
In a most interesting work, Goudsblom and Heilbron (2001) pose that sociology represents a great diversity, or what some analysts may refer to as fragmentation, because the discipline grew as a part of the processes affecting societies and cultures worldwide throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Thus, as we move well into a new era and a new stage of academic development, it remains important that we recognize the sociological heritage as identified and discussed by these analysts. The five stages that sociology has experienced to date are (1) the predisciplinary stage prior to 1830, further identified as “protosociologies”; (2) the formation of the intellectual discipline, 1830–1890; (3) the formation of an academic discipline with diverging national traditions, 1890–1930; (4) the establishment of an international academic discipline, 1930–1970; and (5) a period of crisis, fragmentation, and attempts to develop a new synthesis, 1970–2000 (Goudsblom and Heilbron 2001:14574–80).
Consistent with the fifth stage, for almost four decades we have been witness to major changes in the substantive topics that undergo sociological inquiry both in the United States and, given the influence on the discipline by Canadian, European, and Scandinavian scholars, internationally. Among the areas more fully developed that might be identified as fragmentation are many of the most interesting sociological topics, including deviant behavior, the family, religion, gender, aging, health, the environment, science and technology, among so many seemingly unrelated topics. The unique conceptual paradigms of sociology serve as a template or pattern for seeing the social world in a special way. Every discipline and, indeed, every occupation employs templates or patterns to see and accomplish things in a unique fashion. Disciplines such as sociology rely on intellectual templates based on certain conceptual schemes or paradigms that have evolved through the development of a body of knowledge in those disciplines.
In its early era of the mid- to late nineteenth century, sociology was understood to represent anything relating to the study of social problems. Indeed, it was thought that the methods of the social sciences could be applied to social problems and used to develop solutions (Bernard and Bernard 1943). In focusing on such substance, O’Neill (1967:168–69) notes that periodicals of this early period had a sociological section in which news items relating to family matters, poverty, and labor often appeared. These early social scientists did not hold any special talents other than their training in theology. This situation was similar in the United States as well. It is not difficult, then, to imagine that, as Bramson (1961) notes, “For many American sociologists these problems evoked a moral response” (p. 75). Thus, the process of solving the problems of society was attempted by application of the conventional morality and the validation of Christian principles of piety rather than reform or progress.
Sociology was born as a result of a process, a process that directed a method of inquiry away from philosophy and toward positivism (MacIver 1934). Sociology was the result of a process caused by two major forces—namely, the Industrial Revolution and the French Revolution. The events, changes, and ideas that emerged from these two revolutions are found in the nineteenth-century thought pertaining to social order (Eisenstadt 1968). Following in the wake of the Age of Reason and the Renaissance, according to Nisbet (1966), this was a period of word formation:
Perhaps the richest period of word formation in history . . . which were either invented during this period or were modified to their present meanings: industry, industrialist, democracy, class, middle class, ideology, intellectual, rationalism, humanitarian, atomistic, masses, commercialism, proletariat, collectivism, equalitarian, liberal, conservative, scientist, crisis . . . [among others]. (P. 23)
These were words that held great moral and partisan interest in the European economy and culture; such passions were identified with politics as well.
Identified with European conservatism, which became infused by and with science, the visionary perspective promoted by Auguste Comte during the 1830s in his six-volume Positive Philosophy, later translated from the French and condensed into two volumes by Harriet Martineau, was based on the medieval model of European society.
This model of family, community, authority, tradition, and the sacred became the core of scientific sociology that was to serve notice that a science of society was essential to provide for more than commonsense analysis and to reestablish social order (MacIver 1934). Although unsuccessful in his quest to secure a professorship, Auguste Comte was a positivist, mathematician, and promoter of the scientific identity of the engineering profession (Noble 1999). Comte argued that positivism and the still-to-beidentified area of “sociology” would serve as a means of supporting his intention to create a unique perspective of human relations and a system to reestablish the social order and organization of society. Reestablishment of this new social order was to proceed in accordance with the positivist stage of evolution with its ineluctable natural laws that could and would be established through engaging the scientific perspective. Along with the arts, the science of sociology, according to Comte, was to emerge as the queen of the sciences, the scientia scientorum, and would ultimately supplant biology and cosmology.
If the restoration of order in French society was a preoccupation for many early-nineteenth-century scholars, including Auguste Comte, it was also the case, as Bramson (1961) notes, that
many of the key concepts of sociology illustrate this concern with the maintenance and conservation of order; ideas such as status, hierarchy ritual, integration, social function and social control are themselves a part of the history of the reaction to the ideals of the French Revolution. What conservative critics saw as resulting from these movements was not the progressive liberation of individuals, but increasing insecurity and alienation, the breakdown of traditional associations and group ties. (Pp. 13–14)
For social scientists of the early nineteenth century, many of the problems of the time were much more well defined than is the case in the contemporary experience.
Comte was fervently religious, and he believed those interested in science would constitute a “priesthood of positivism” that would ultimately lead to a new social order. According to Noble (1999),
A theist in spite of himself, Comte declared that the existence of the Great Being “is deeply stamped on all its creations, in moral, in the arts and sciences, in industry,” and he insisted, as had previous like-minded prophets since Erigena, that all such manifestations of divinity were equally vital means of mankind’s regeneration . . . Comte was convinced that people like himself, science-minded engineering savants occupied with the study of the sciences of observation are the only men whose capacity and intellectual culture fulfill the necessary conditions. (P. 85)
The legacy of this enthusiastic perspective is that sociology has been at the heart of the positivists’ contribution to the understanding of the human condition. It was also to serve in part as a basis for the reactions of conflict theorist Karl Marx, especially as these writings referred to the religious opiate of the masses deemed by Comte as critical to the reorganization of society (Noble 1999:87). The discipline continues to present an array of perspectives that have served to stimulate much controversy within both society and the discipline (see Turner 2001).
Although the sociological legacy of Harriet Martineau is substantial, as outlined by Lengermann and NiebruggeBrantley (1998), it was Martineau’s effort to translate and condense Auguste Comte’s six-volume magnum opus into a two-volume set of writings published in 1853 that allowed this important work to be available to the Englishspeaking world. Interestingly, Comte’s English translation came after Martineau’s sociological contributions, the richness of which was finally recognized by feminist researchers during the 1980s and 1990s. Martineau engaged in “participant observation” of the United States during the mid-1830s and subsequently published the two-volume Society in America (1836/1837), which is based on this excursion to the North American continent. Because of this experience, Martineau was able to lay the foundation for her treatise on research methodology in How to Observe Morals and Manners (1838).
Perhaps it is ironic that the distinctive difference between the European theoretical sociology and the empirical sociology practiced in the United States was advanced by events in Europe. Indeed, the origin of empirical sociology is rooted in Europe. Statistical studies began in the 1660s, thereby preceding the birth of all of the social sciences by a couple of centuries. The early statistical gatherers and analysts were involved in “political arithmetic” or the gathering of data considered relevant to public policy matters of the state, and as noted by Reiss (1968), the gathering of such data may have been accelerated to meet the needs of the newly emerging insurance industry and other commercial activities of the time. But it was the early work of the moral statisticians interested in reestablishing social order in the emerging industrial societies that was to lay the quantitative foundation for the discipline, especially the early scientific work of the French sociologist Émile Durkheim (Whitt 2001:229–35).
The second stage in the early history of quantification may have been related to the development of probability theory, the rise of the insurance industry, other commercial activities, and political necessity (Lecuyer and Oberschall 1968; Reiss 1968). English political arithmeticians, including John Graunt and William Petty, were destined to be followed by the efforts of the moral statisticians who engaged in data gathering in Belgium and France. Indeed, as early as 1831, the Belgian Adolphe Quetelet and the Frenchman Andre Michel de Guerry de Champneuf, in building on the early efforts of the practitioners of the “political arithmetic” that first began in the 1660s, were engaging in the government-sponsored data-gathering activity pertaining to data on moral topics, including suicide, prostitution, and illegitimacy. Such activities would prove quite instrumental in the establishment of the empirical social sciences. Even many of the methodologies developed during this same era of the early nineteenth century, as well as awareness of important ecological methodological issues such as statistical interactions, the ecological fallacy, and spuriousness, were developed by early moral statisticians such as Andre-Michel de Guerry and Adolphe Quetelet. Later, the work of Henry Morselli, Enrico Ferri, and Alfred Maury during this same century were to serve well the needs of aspiring European sociologists and even later members of the Chicago School of Sociology (Whitt 2001:229–31).
American sociology is one of the intellectual creations that has most deeply influenced our century. No other society ( the American ) has been more actively involved in understanding its own organizational change for the sake of knowledge itself. (Touraine 1990:252)
The birth of the social sciences in general and of sociology in particular is traced to the liberal democratic ideas generated by the British social philosophies of the seventeenth century—ideas that later were to be enhanced by the French Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and then transformed in the United States where these ideas served as the foundation for practical democratic society. The rise of American sociology can be traced to the early-nineteenthcentury social science movement, a movement that by the mid-1800s became a new discipline that was widely introduced into college and university curricula. The movement also led to the establishment of a national social science association that was to later spawn various distinctive social sciences, including sociology, as well as social reform associations (Bernard and Bernard 1943:1–8).
Although the promotion of the social sciences in the United States began as early as 1865 with the establishment of the American Association for the Promotion of Social Sciences and then, in 1869, creation of the American Social Science Association with its associationsponsored publication the Journal of Social Science, prior to the 1880s there had been no organized and systematic scientific research in the United States. This was the case simply because, as Howard W. Odum ( 1965:3–20) noted, there was no university per se in which research as a scientific pursuit could be conducted. It is within the context of the movement to organize such a university that sociology and many other social sciences were embraced as viable academic disciplines, thereby allowing systematic research to be conducted in a rigorous manner. This also was a period of great emphasis on pursuing answers to new research questions through the evaluation of knowledge and the employment of methodological and statistical tools within an interdisciplinary context. Indeed, L. L. Bernard and Jessie Bernard (1943) posit that the vision of the founders of the American Social Science Association was “to establish a unified science of society which could and would see all human problems in their relationships and make an effort to solve these problems as unified wholes” (p. 601).
Thus, the social sciences in general and sociology in particular owe a great intellectual debt to the American intellects who studied at length with the masters of Europe. Included among these are notables such as William Graham Sumner, Lester Frank Ward, Albion Woodbury Small, Franklin Henry Giddings, John William Burgess, Herbert B. Adams, Thorstein Veblen, Frederick Jackson
Turner, James Harvey Robinson, George Vincent, Charles Horton Cooley, Edward Alsworth Ross, George Howard, Frank W. Blackmar, Ulysses G. Weatherly, John R. Commons, and Richard T. Ely (see Odum 1951,  1965); each of whom were well versed in scholarly areas other than sociology, including history, theology, economics, political science, and statistics. With the decline of the social science movement and its national association, the general discipline that emerged from the remains of social science was in fact sociology (Bernard and Bernard 1943:835).
The development of an intellectual and academic American sociology, like sociology in any part of the world, was and continues to be dependent on the social and political conditions of the country. In the United States, a liberal political climate and, in the aftermath of the Civil War, the advent of a system of a mass public education system, American sociology flourished. Thus, in countries in which the structure of the system of higher education was open to free inquiry, research was supported by private foundations and government contributions (Wright 1895), and the university was organized albeit loosely, sociology, subject to the polemics of its status as an academic science, gained entry if not acceptance among university faculty. Where education was available to the elite rather than the masses, sociology was less apt to flourish (Reiss 1968).
Another important factor is that American sociology arose basically without roots other than the growing influence of the social science movement in the United States and the emphasis on the virtues of science that permeated the intellectual and social environs of this same period. As noted by Neil J. Smelser (1990:49–60), American sociology did not experience the yoke of either European feudalism or any peculiar intellectual history. Rather, sociology came into being within American higher education during the 1880s and only after several other disciplines, including psychology and economics, had been accepted within the academy. Attempts among adherents of these other disciplines led to the establishment of the scientific theme within the social sciences. Early sociologists embraced this same scientific theme.
A second factor that had a profound effect on the early adherents of the sociological perspective is the social reform theme of the 1890s. The legacy of these two themes—namely, scientific respectability and social reform—became the dual platforms on which the unique American sociological perspective was to be based.
Although there was a great, direct influence of European thought, research, and the philosophy of the British Social Science Association on sociology to focus on attempting to solve America’s problems (Odum 1951:36–50), the rise of American sociology, at least during the first half of the twentieth century, was concomitant with the most dynamic period of technological, economic, and social reform changes ever recorded. In this context, Howard W. Odum (1951:52) views sociology as a product of the American social and cultural experience and places sociology’s heritage to be as “American as American literature,American culture, and the freedoms of the new world democracy” (p. 3). American sociology is thus part European and part American. Indeed, American sociology was envisioned early on as a social science that could and would assist policymakers and concerned citizens in creating the “American Dream.”
Consistent with this ideology, Odum (1951:59–60) identified three unique American developments, each of which influenced the direction of American sociology throughout the entire twentieth century. The first of these developments is the symbiotic relationship between the discipline and the American society and culture. The ideology that focused on the American Dream and its realization had a great influence.
The second development, according to Odum, is the emphasis on moral development and the motivation to establish ethics as a component of the educational curricula,American literature, and the social sciences, especially as these relate to ethical conduct, social justice, and public morality. Within sociology, this orientation is found in the application of sociological principles into economic and organizational behavior and the founding of the American Institute of Christian Sociology.
Finally, Odum (1951) notes, the American experience led to a research emphasis on social problems of a moral and economic nature. In an effort to better understand these social problems, sociologists organized the systematic study of issues such as waves of immigration, the working class, public disorder, neglect of children, violence toward women, intergroup conflict, urbanism, alcoholism, suicide, crime, mental illness, delinquency, and poverty (see also Fine 2006). This was the application side of sociology that held important social policy implication. However, there was also an early emphasis on a “general sociology” as opposed to a “special sociology” as was found at the more elite institutions of higher learning. Clearly, this difference foreshadowed the pure versus applied dichotomy that has generated so much discussion within the discipline (see Odum 1951:51–74).
Because of the important influence of the social science movement in the United States, there is some disagreement pertaining to who the founders and members of the first generation of American sociologists are (see Odum 1951,  1965). But publication of Lester Ward’s book Dynamic Sociology in 1883 does appear to mark the beginning of American sociology (Bramson 1961:84–85). On the other hand, there does not seem to be any disagreement as to the purpose of the American founders, and that was to establish a scientific theoretical base. Later, at the University of Chicago the goals were to establish a relationship between sociology and the classical problems of philosophy by focusing on process issues relating to elements of social control, such as conflict, competition, and accommodation (Kurtz 1986:95).
American sociology emerged concomitant with the challenges to legal philosophy and the discussion of questions relating to myriad questions that arose as the effects of industrialization were observed Calhoun (1919). Such questions have their focus on marriage, divorce, immigration, poverty, and health and how to employ the emerging scientific model to topical data that had been gathered by the nineteenth-century moral statisticians.
Leon Bramson (1961:47–48) observed that the most interesting aspect of American sociology in the first half of the twentieth century is that when affected by European theories of mass behavior and collective behavior, American sociologists, in their haste to establish a role for sociology in America, either transformed the meaning of the concepts to meet their needs or created new concepts to apply to the more liberal American social and political context. American sociologists, according to Bramson, also applied European theoretical concepts such as social pathology, social disorganization, and social control to the data referring to the American experience without regard for whatever special conditions should have been accounted for or even possible theoretical distortions; this issue is also discussed by Lester R. Kurtz (1986:60–83) in his evaluation of the Chicago School of Sociology.
Albert J. Reiss, Jr. (1968) notes that the first formal instruction of a sociology course in the United States was offered by William Graham Sumner, a professor of political and social science at Yale University, during 1876. The first, second, and third American Departments of Sociology were established at Brown University, the University of Chicago, and Columbia University, respectively (Kurtz 1986:93–97). Between 1889 and 1892, 18 American colleges and universities offered instruction in sociology, but in 1893, the University of Chicago was the first to develop a program that led to the granting of a Ph.D.
Despite the recognition of the emerging field of sociology as a distinctive area of inquiry, the focal point of a religious orientation and perhaps fervor expressed by social commentators in their discussions and analyses of the social issues that were to constitute the purview of sociology also engaged the attention of other early practitioners of the discipline. The social problems identified in the wake of expansion of the American West and the building of the railroads included issues relating to “the influx of immigrants, the rise of the factory system and the concentration of people in big cities. These comprised the now familiar catalogue of crime, delinquency, divorce, poverty, suicide, alcoholism, minority problems and slums” (Bramson 1961:75).
Alfred McClung Lee (1978:69) notes that ever since that time, sociologists have been attempting to divorce themselves from an ancestry that is historically rooted in the clergy, the police, utopian ideologues, social reformers, conservative apologists, journalistic muckrakers, radical thinkers, agitators, and civil libertarians.
Given the moral tone of much of the writing of many early American sociologists, it is noteworthy that in articulating the six “aims” of the American Journal of Sociology established at the University of Chicago in 1895, the scientific view of sociological concern so clearly defined several decades later by E. A. Ross (1936) was not so clear to many if not all of the moral philosophers of this earlier period. Witness the following comments offered by the founding editor of the American Journal of Sociology, Albion W. Small (1895):
Sociology has a foremost place in the thought of modern men. Approve or deplore the fact at pleasure, we cannot escape it. . . . To many possible readers the most important question abut the conduct of the Journal will be with reference to its attitude toward “Christian Sociology.” The answer is, in a word, towards Christian sociology sincerely deferential, toward “Christian sociologists” severely suspicious. (Pp. 1, 15)
These comments were of particular significance given that the American Journal of Sociology was not only the first journal of sociology created anywhere, but it was also, until 1936, the official journal of the American Sociological Society. Thus, the influence of both the Chicago School and the large number of contributions by its faculty and students to the American Journal of Sociology placed the work of the Chicago School at the forefront in shaping the early direction and substance of American, Canadian, and Polish sociology (Kurtz 1986:93–97). This was especially true in the subareas of urban and community studies, race and ethnic relations, crime and juvenile delinquency, deviance, communications and public opinion, and political sociology.
Leon Bramson (1961:73–95) identified three important phases in the rise of American sociology. The first period began in 1883 with the publication of Lester Ward’s Dynamic Sociology to about 1915 or 1918 with the publication of Robert E. Park’s essay on the city and/or the end of World War I, respectively. During this period, the founders began their earnest quest to establish the theoretical foundation as it related to the American experience focusing on “a liberal sociology of change and process, rather than one of conservation and equilibrium” (Bramson 1961:85).
This focus on change and process became even more evident during the second stage of American sociology, identified as the period between the two world wars. This was a period of academic expansion, with major increases in faculty and students, but even more important, led by sociologists at the University of Chicago, this was a period of specialization and the beginning of differentiation within sociology as the quest to develop a viable methodology began in earnest. This also was a meaningful period during which sociologists worked to establish the scientific status of the discipline and to earn respectability and academic legitimization. It was also a period during which many of the conceptual problems of sociology first began to emerge as its practitioners developed an increasingly complex technical vocabulary, a vast array of classification schema, and other abstract systems categories of thought. Perhaps assuming the need to compensate for a past that included so many nonscientifically moral reformistoriented representatives of the discipline, sociologists responded during this phase of development by creating complex theories that, for an extended period of time, were not only unintelligible to the layperson, but also the abstract nature of these grand theories exceeded the ability of social scientists to create methodologies appropriate to empirically test these theoretical models (Lee 1978). But despite this theoretical/methodological problem, this second stage of sociological development was also one in which much substance was created.
The history of sociology in America from prior to World War I to approximately the mid-1930s is, according to Kurtz (1986), a history of the school of thought promoted by the University of Chicago. If the second phase of American sociology is to be distinguished as a period dominated by the Chicago sociologists, it is also one that led Pitirim Sorokin to observe that American sociology was emerging as a distinctive brand:
The bulk of the sociological works in America are marked by their quantitative and empirical character while the bulk of the sociological literature of Europe is still marked by an analytical elaboration of concepts and definitions; by a philosophical and epistemological polishing of words. (Cited in Bramson 1961:89)
The period is characterized by a marked increase in the development of new and expanding methodologies and measurement. These new techniques included a plethora of scales intended to measure the theoretical concepts developed previously.
As noted, Goudsblom and Heilbron (2001) identify five phases of development of the discipline that cover the period prior to 1830 to the very end of the twentieth century. But the third phase of the development of American sociology, identified by Bramson (1961) as covering the period from 1940 to 1960, is noteworthy because this was a period during which the development and adoption of theories of the “middle-range” advocated by Robert K. Merton led to even greater specialization and differentiation of the discipline. In turn, sociologists began to develop ever-expanding areas of inquiry. Robert K. Merton ( 1968), who wrote in reaction to the abstractness of the previous dominant position of the functionalist school of sociology, stated that theories of the middle range are
theories that lie between the minor but necessary working hypotheses that evolve in abundance during day-to-day research and the all-inclusive systematic efforts to develop a unified theory that will explain all the observed uniformities of social behavior, social organization and social change. (P. 39)
The all-inclusive efforts refer, of course, to the contributions of Talcott Parsons in The Structure of Social Action, originally published in 1937, and in 1951 with the appearance of The Social System.
The third phase of development can be characterized as the most enthusiastic period during which greater emphasis was placed on the application of sociological knowledge. As the field expanded, new outlets for sociological studies and knowledge were created, sociologists found employment in nonacademic settings such as government and business, and the new specialty areas of interest reflected the changes in American society, including a growing rise in membership in the middle class, the expansion of the suburbs, more leisure time, and the growth of bureaucracy. In lieu of the previous sociological interest in the reform of society and the more traditional social problems orientation of the discipline, the new sociology opted to leave such concerns to the social work profession and to special studies programs such as criminology. Thus, specialty areas emerged—areas such as the sociology of marriage and the family, and aging (later to be defined as gerontology), industrial sociology, public opinion, organizations, communications, and social psychiatry (later called mental health). From this point forward, the continued rise to respectability of sociology is attributed by analysts such as Robert Nisbet (1966) to the public recognition that societal problems are more integrative in nature than previously thought. This may also serve as a partial explanation for why the discipline is viewed by some as fragmented.
The logic and ethos of science is the search for the truth, the objective truth. Thus, the most fundamental problem the social scientist confronts, according to Gunnar Myrdal (1969), is this:
What is objectivity, and how can the student attain objectivity in trying to find out the facts and the causal relationships between facts? [That is,] How can a biased view be avoided? The challenge is to maintain an objectivity of that which the sociologist is a part. (P. 3)
Although the sociologies of the United States and Europe differ in perspective, both attempt to answer similar albeit distinguishable questions. In his discussion of “the two faces of sociology,” Touraine (1990:240) states that these differences lie in the scholarly research response to two problems: (1) How does society exist? (2) How are culture and society historically created and transformed by work, by the specific way nature and its resources are put to use, and through systems of political, economic, and social organization? Because the intellectual legacy of American sociological thought has been shaped to a large extent by the historical experience of creating a nation in which the rights and the will of the American people have been dominant, American sociologists have long focused on “institution” as a central concept and the significance of efforts of reform movements within the American society to affect its social organization. Thus, the substance of American sociology has been on topics such as the family, social organization, community, the criminal justice system, and law and society among the numerous institutionallevel areas of inquiry that are evaluated within the context of yet another American theoretical focus—namely, the emphasis on theories of the middle range. European sociologists, on the other hand, tend to focus on the second question while emphasizing the concept “revolution” in their analyses. Thus, even when similar topics such as social movements serve as the focus of inquiry, the American and European sociology responds from a different perspective (Touraine 1990). To understand the importance of this difference in perspective between the two sociologies, Alain Touraine (1990) poses the view that American sociology has a symbiotic relationship between culture and society, whereas European sociology integrates society and its history. Americans sociologists focus on society; the European sociology is focused on the rich history that serves as the backdrop for any attempt to understand social change.
Because the American experience is predicated on building a nation through the rule of law; the concepts of individualism, capitalism, and territorial conquest; and the attempt at integration of successive waves of immigrants to the North American continent,American sociology began its rise in prominence through an elitist intellectual process that dominated the academy during the early formative years of the discipline. Thus, it is perhaps ironic that an American sociology housed within the university setting would assume a critical teaching and research posture toward an elitist system of institutions that the early sociology assisted in creating. Within the context of certain kinds of social problems areas, such as ethnic studies, discrimination, and segregation, sociology and sociologists have been able to exert some influence. But in other important areas within which issues relating to elitist society may be involved, such as social class relations and economic and political power, the official and public perceptions of the efforts of American sociologists may not be as well received.
Many analysts of the past can be called on to render testimony in support of or apologize for the past efforts of sociologists to provide useful information, but none is perhaps more relevant than the following statement offered by George A. Lundberg (1947): “Good intentions are not a substitute for good techniques in either achieving physical or social goals” (p. 135). During the 1960s and 1970s, sociology, psychology, and other social science undergraduate job candidates customarily responded to interviewer queries with “I want to help people.” Similar to those who attended graduate school after World War II, these individuals were influenced by the potential of sociology to make a difference. But good intentions aside, the real issue is, How do we go about assisting/helping people? Perhaps the more educated and sophisticated we become, the more difficult are the answers to social problems and social arrangements that are deemed inappropriate or at least in need of some form of rearrangement. That is, the more we believe we already know the answers, the less apt we are to recognize the importance of the sociological perspective. Within this context, sociology necessarily must adhere to and advocate the use of the methods of science in approaching any social problem, whether this is local or international in scope.
Sociology has utility beyond addressing social problems and contributing to the development of new social policy. Indeed, the sociological perspective is empowering. Those who use it are in a position to bring about certain behavior in others. It has been said that “behavior that can be understood can be predicted, and behavior that can be predicted can likely be controlled.” It is not surprising that sociologists are often used to help select juries, develop effective advertising campaigns, plan political strategies for elections, and solve human relations problems in the workplace. As Peter Berger (1963) phrases it, “Sociological understanding can be recommended to social workers, but also to salesmen, nurses, evangelists and politicians—in fact to anyone whose goals involve the manipulation of men, for whatever purpose and with whatever moral justification” (p. 5). In some ways, it might be said that the sociological perspective puts one “in control.”
The manipulation of others, even for commendable purposes, however, is not without critical reaction or detractors. Some years back, industrial sociologists who worked for, or consulted with, industrial corporations to aid them to better address problems in the workplace were sometimes cynically labeled as “cow sociologists” because “they helped management milk the workers.” Knowledge is power that can be used for good or evil. The sociological perspective is utilitarian and empowering in that it can accomplish things for whatever purposes. Berger (1963) goes on to reflect the following:
If the sociologist can be considered a Machiavellian figure, then his talents can be employed in both humanly nefarious and humanly liberating enterprises. If a somewhat colorful metaphor may be allowed here, one can think of the sociologist as a condottiere of social perception. Some condottieri fight for the oppressors of men, others for their liberators. Especially if one looks around beyond the frontiers of America as well as within them, one can find enough grounds to believe that there is a place in today’s world for the latter type of condottiere. (P. 170)
Responding to the question, “Can science save us?” George A. Lundberg (1947) states “yes,” but he also equates the use of brain (the mind) as tantamount to employing science. Lundberg also posed the following: “Shall we place our faith in science or in something else?” (p. 142). Physical science is not capable of responding to human social issues. If sociologists have in a vain effort failed to fulfill the promise of the past, this does not indicate that they will not do so at some future time. Again, as Lundberg (1947) heeded long ago, “Science is at best a growth, not a sudden revelation. We also can use it imperfectly and in part while it is developing” (pp. 143–144).
And a few years later but prior to the turmoil that was to embroil the decades of the 1960s and 1970s, John Madge (1962) urged that a century after the death of the positivist Auguste Comte (now 150 years later) the structure of sociology remains incomplete. However, Madge recognized and demonstrates in The Origins of Scientific Sociology that sociology was slowly gaining in maturity and with this growth was on the verge of or within reach of achieving the status of a science. But it is also important to keep in focus the goals of science as articulated by Gunnar Myrdal (1969)—more specifically, “The goals of objectivity and effectiveness in research are honesty, clarity, and effectiveness” (p. 72). If the results of sociological research have been less than to the liking of policymakers and government and corporate leaders, then yet another of Myrdal’s insights is especially germane. That is,
Research is always and by logical necessity based on moral and political valuations, and the researcher should be obligated to account for them explicitly. When these valuations are brought out into the open any one who finds a particular piece of research to have been founded on what is considered wrong valuation can challenge it on that ground. (P. 74)
There are other reasons as well, reasons that complicate the delivery of the important message promoted by the discipline’s practitioners, for as noted by Joel Best (2003:11), sociology “is a perspective built on relativism, built on the recognition that people understand the world differently.” Indeed, many years earlier George C. Homans (1967) observed,
If some of the social sciences seem to have made little progress, at least in the direction of generalizing and explanatory science, the reason lies neither in lack of intelligence on the part of the scientists nor in the newness of the subject as an academic discipline. It lies rather in what is out there in the world of nature. (P. 89)
Such statements lie at the heart of the epistemological debate that began in the 1920s (see Reiss 1968:10–11) and continues into the modern era. Despite the vastness of sociological inquiry, it is obvious that a strong orientation toward the scientific study of human behavior, social interaction, and organizations continues and that this scientific focus is predicated on the assumption that such study is possible because it is based on the examination of phenomena that are subject to the operation of universal laws, a point not lost in the minds of the discipline’s founders. The counterpoint that the social sciences are cultural sciences and thereby fundamentally different from the physical sciences and also subject to different methodology and other evaluative criteria is representative of a longstanding European influence that also began in the 1920s.
Given the diversity and fluidity of the topics addressed and the levels of theories employed by sociologists, it is not surprising that many others do not agree. The counterargument is based on the premise that given the circumstances behind the evolution of science and the support it received in the past and the more repressive attention it receives in the contemporary experience from powerful interest groups, objective social science and the establishment of universal laws that are based on such inquiry may not be possible (see Turner 2001).
Whether or not one argues that the study of human society is unique, it is still extraordinary given the vast array of extant theories used to express the human experience and capacity. Witness the statement of one contemporary analyst who, in an intriguing assessment of the contemporary American “wilding” experience, wrote,
Sociology arose as an inquiry into the dangers of modern individualism, which could potentially kill society itself. The prospect of the death of society gave birth to the question . . . what makes society possible and prevents it from disintegrating into a mass of sociopathic and self-interested isolates? This core question of sociology has become the vital issue of our times. (Charles Derber 2003:18)
Only in part is Derber referring to the American experience. His assessment also speaks to the experience of Western Europe. Much social change has taken place, and the efforts of sociologists to describe and explain this change and to draw upon these insights to develop predictive models has led to a diversity of theories. Indeed, over time, the scientific paradigm shifts more generally described by Thomas Kuhn ( 1970) are obvious in our discipline (see Friedrichs 1970). There have been, there are at present, and there undoubtedly will be future paradigm shifts within this evolving and apparently expanding discipline of sociology, many of which will focus, as has been the case in the past, on the social change process. And for all the so-called objectivity of a scientific sociology advocated by analysts such as George A. Lundberg (1947), the development of which is so eloquently described by Leon Bramson (1961)), sociologists have been involved in social activism and social engineering, that first occurred during the embryonic years of the discipline’s development (Volkart 1968). Such activism occurred again during the 1960s and 1970s, in many social justice areas, and in occupational settings such as those of the criminal justice system.
At present, sociological inquiry represents a vast array of topics and offers many competing theoretical models while its practitioners attempt to make sense of a rapidly changing world. For all its middle-range theories and studies that reflect the efforts of those dedicated to cumulative knowledge, it is also important that we recognize that the building of a paradigm as well as challenges to an extant paradigm are not relegated to the gathering of information alone. Indeed, if sociology is to advantage itself in the twenty-first century, it may be imperative that a dominant paradigm begins to identify the kinds of community needs that it can usually serve, for as Joseph R. Gusfield (1990) so clearly notes, sociology has been at odds with and a critic of the classical economic and individualistic interpretations of American life. Thus, whatever issues sociology may need to address at this juncture, perhaps we are hampered only by the limits of the sociological imagination. Again, the following comment by Homans (1967) is noteworthy:
The difficulties of social science lie in explanation rather than discovery. . . . Our trouble has not been with making discoveries but with organizing them theoretically—showing how they follow under a variety of given conditions from a few general principles. (Pp. 79, 105)
The present diversity of the discipline welcomed by so many social critics also serves as a barrier to the creation of a dominant theoretical paradigm. Without this focus, sociology remains in the minds of many of the discipline’s representatives a less-than-coherent discipline. Perhaps this is not different from the struggle of the 1960s as described by Gouldner (1970), a period that also was far less than organized and coherent and certainly far less civil in disagreement. It is important that sociologists take stock of their trade and question in earnest the utility of the work we do. As noted by Herbert L. Gans (1990),
By and large, we sociologists have been too distant from the society in which we operate and in which we are embedded, which funds us even if too poorly and which influences us surely more than we influence it. We are too busy trying to understand how that society functions . . . that we rarely think about our own functions—and dysfunctions. To some extent our failure to do so stems from a typical professional blindness, which results in our inability to distance ourselves sufficiently from ourselves and our routines to look systematically at what we are for and to whom. (Pp. 12–13)
Not all may agree, of course. Indeed, sociology in the United States and in Europe has been a critique of modern urban life with its emphasis on the individual, capitalism, and bureaucracy. In some instances, this critique of American society has been radical and reformist in its thrust (Gusfield 1990:31–46). And although American sociology had been shaped in part by psychology in establishing its methodology during the first two-thirds of the twentieth century, especially through a common socialpsychological area (see, e.g., Reiss 1968), it can be safely stated that American sociology has been transformed during the latter decades of the twentieth century.
Sociologists may be accused of engaging in an affair with their work. Witness the stirring comments of one colleague:
I fell in love with sociology when I was twelve. . . . Sociology was my savior. It saved me from the vexing confusion caused by my once despising the mundaneness of everyday life and deeply loving and admiring my people. It stabilized me by articulating the dedication that I felt for social justice. (Shahidian 1999:303–04)
We share this passionate approach to social science based on the insightful development of theory and empirical research, an approach that has, in turn, led to a vast array of subject matter. In light of these impressive contributions, the only aspect of this endeavor that may seem perplexing to some is that as we move further into the twenty-first century, there are those who continue to believe in and practice the scientific method; there also are those who argue that if the logic of science and the methods of scientific objectivity are to be carried to an extreme, sociology will lose or has already lost its humanistic perspective and, with this loss, the inclination toward active community involvement through social policy advocacy and practical intervention. As Peter L. Berger (1963) phrases it,
At the same time it is quite true that some sociologists, especially in America, have become so preoccupied with methodological questions that they have ceased to be interested in society at all. As a result, they have found out nothing of significance about any aspect of social life, since in science as in love a concentration on technique is quite likely to lead to impotence. (P. 13)
This dichotomy certainly is a matter of considerable debate, but perhaps most advocates and active practitioners of the discipline would fall somewhere in between these two orientations (see, e.g., Reiss 1968:10–11). In this regard, we are also optimistic that the sociological imagination will continue to be an important part of the work of sociologists as they take into consideration “a quality of mind that will help them to use information and to develop reason in order to achieve lucid summations of what is going on in the world and of what may be happening within themselves” (Mills 1959:5).
More than 170 years ago, sociology began to emerge from its philosophical and biological roots to it current status as an important social science. Early sociologists achieved renown based on their interest in providing information useful to appraise social policy issues. However, in the contemporary instance, there are strong indicators that sociology has not achieved the eminent position envisioned by the founders. Note the less-than-enthusiastic assessment offered by Black (1999):
The problems endemic to the discipline of sociology include the lack of a paradigm, disciplinary fragmentation, and the irreconcilability of science, ideology, and politics . . . and the lack of an occupational niche—[all these] place sociologists in the position of having constantly to defend the profession. (Pp. 261, 263)
Thus, as we move well into the twenty-first century, it is clear that sociology is engaged in yet another struggle to (re)identify itself. Perhaps such a struggle is to be expected of any science of human behavior. And nowhere is this situation more contentious than in the responses of representatives of the discipline to the question as to whether sociology is or is not yet considered an activity worthy of the label “scientific activity.”
At the center of this struggle lies the heart of any discipline—namely, sociological theory. Among the eminent theorists reporting on the status of sociology in this Handbook are individuals who represent the very best of what the discipline has to offer. That the message is suggestive of a continuing debate within the discipline is both disheartening and encouraging. It is disheartening in that after a period of more than 175 years, representatives of the discipline should be able to exclaim with great pride the accomplishments of so much activity instead of debating their scientific worth. It is encouraging because the current debate over the theory and the substance of the work sociologists engage in can only lead to the exploration of new and challenging frontiers. But the substance of sociological inquiry also represents a matter of contention for many research- and practitioner-oriented representatives of the discipline. Some contemporary analysts who have observed the developments within the academy during the past several decades call for a critical reevaluation of that which sociologists identify as the substance of research and understanding. Sociology has given birth to and generated intense interest in many areas of study that are no longer identified with the discipline. Because the specific subareas developed by sociologists became well accepted as legitimate applied disciplines within the academy, independent, overlapping units within the academy have been created.
If the 1960s represent the golden era of sociology, it is also a period, as described by Turner and Sica (2006), that is “remembered as a time of violence, massive social change, and personal transformation” (p. 4). The period had a profound effect on an entire generation of students, many of whom were instrumental in creating the new sociological emphasis that today is criticized for its diversity, the lack of continuity, and a failure to develop a unified paradigm. Whatever reservations that may continue to exist as we progress well into the twenty-first century, these can be hailed as a challenge. Thus, at the same time that community involvement and applied research are increasingly being devalued in the academic world, there is a distinct pressure, according to Harris and Wise (1998), for sociologists to become increasingly involved in the community and society.
This call to establish a public sociology may well combine with the three types of knowledge identified by Burawoy (2005)—the professional, critical, and policyspecific databases. In each of these areas, the initiative would be consistent with enthusiastic proclamations of the past. George A. Lundberg’s (1947) Can Science Save Us? serves as but one important example of those who promoted the application of social science insights to solve social problems. Of course, one major difference between the time when Lundberg wrote and now is that we are not rebounding from the tragedy of a world war. Indeed, it was during the post-World War II period and during the subsequent several decades that American sociology assumed its theoretical and empirical dominance (Odum 1951), especially in the area of deviant behavior (see Touraine 1990). Yet another important difference between then and now, as Harris and Wise (1998) suggest, is that sociologists need to be perceived as problem solvers rather than as social critics, and similar to the pleas of Marion Talbot (1896) at the end of the nineteenth century, much of the sociological may necessarily become interdisciplinary in nature. This perspective is supported as a portion of a more scholarly editorial philosophy articulated by Wharton (2006:1–2). Most noteworthy for our purpose are points three and four:
(3) Be aware and reflective about the . . . broader contributions to scholarship, policy, and/or activism . . . ; (4) produce useful knowledge—not merely in the applied sense of solving problems, but knowledge that is useful as basic research that can help people better understand and transform the social world. (P. 1)
These same kinds of issues—social activism and public policy research—were recognized at the end of the nineteenth century as strengths of the new discipline.
Thus, there appears to be hopeful as well as worrisome aspects of sociology at the end of the twentieth century (Lewis 1999). But this kind of enthusiasm and concern appears to be periodic throughout the history of the discipline as sociologists attempt to both define and then redefine the parameters of what some argue is too extensive a range of topics to allow practitioners of the discipline to be definitively identified (Best 2003). Witness the statement attributed to one of the coeditors of this Handbook who, in the early 1980s, wrote the following:
Future prospects for sociology(ists) no doubt will depend upon our ability to identify and respond to community needs, to compete for funds available from nontraditional sources, to work in applied areas, and to establish creative problemsolving strategies. The challenge before us should generate a healthy response. (Peck 1982:319–20)
Since that time and in the wake of a declining influence of the social sciences, there has been a response as evidenced by the many new areas of inquiry, many interdisciplinary in nature, that currently curry attention from sociologists. Indeed, there does appear to be a fragmentation, but this so-called fragmentation is consistent with an assessment offered by Beck (1999), “Sociology today, as throughout its history, is not unified. . . . we have never been able to sustain . . . unanimity and consistency for very long. Thank goodness” (p. 121).
Perhaps we do not engage in “normal science,” at least not in the sense that Thomas Kuhn ( 1970) refers to it. That is, academic sociologists continue to function quite well even though they are outside the single frame of reference that usually serves as the paradigmatic foundation for the physical sciences. Normal science is rigid, but it is also burdened by uncertainty and inconsistency, as Friedrichs (1970) observes. In the case of sociology, this is found in the diversity of theoretical models and topical areas. Although some analysts lament the current state of the discipline, Jacobs (2004) recently observed that “some might view this diversity [of topics] as evidence of excessive fragmentation, (but) there are important theoretical connections” (p. v). Of course, the substance of manuscripts submitted for possible publication, the rubrics under which the research can be categorized, is quite different from the search for a common sociological paradigm. To wit, classic studies do exist, but none serve to forge a single paradigm. Thus, the future of the discipline will depend, as usual, on the contributions of those who may be relatively silent in the wake of less-than-acceptable “scholarship,” as suggested by Lewis (1999), but who nonetheless commit themselves to excellence by producing significant contributions to theory and application (see, e.g., Rossi 1999) that should, in the long run, counter the myriad productions that are less significant. Concomitant with this effort will be an increased awareness of and involvement in the applied and an earnest effort to again be a viable force in the policy-related aspects of sociology and society. In other words, we believe there will be a reawakening of and involvement in those aspects of sociology that served the discipline well during its early years of development in the United States (see Ross 1936) even as the applied social work-oriented practitioners broke away to form their own professional association (Odum 1951; Rossi 1999). Indeed, there exists a need for answers to myriad policy-oriented questions as well as applied concerns at all governmental levels.
But in the end, sociologists may, as Beck (1999:123) suggests, go where they go, where they want to go. This may again mean that sociologists will abandon important areas of inquiry that they helped to establish, leaving the sociological legacy to others. Sociologists will also move to create other areas of inquiry while questioning past and present assumptions and knowledge claims in an ongoing quest to better understand social arrangements and to engage in, as Beck (1999) observes, “life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness, and the sociological imagination” (p. 124). To this we can add the quest to establish the meaning of social justice in a rapidly changing democratic society.
Thus, contrary to dubious predictions of an ominous obscure future, the content of this Handbook attests to a much more positive and grand future orientation within the discipline that will include much more than the rigorous efforts to clean up conceptual problems that sociologists are supposedly noted for. Moreover, the epistemological debates of the past will undoubtedly continue as Turner (2001) and Best (2003) suggest, but in so doing, the future of academic sociology will again be broadened. This expansion will again, we think, involve the applied aspects of the discipline and engagement of the public through active involvement of sociologists in the four traditional areas—namely, through a public sociology with an emphasis on further development of the profession and a critical civic activism with the intent to broadly influence social policy. Moreover, the increasing influence of European sociology in the global community will undoubtedly continue; this influence is not only important, it is most welcome. Given the above, it may well be that another call to arms will result. There has been a movement, albeit a small movement, among highly regarded intellectuals (the National Association of Scholars) to enhance the substance and quality of academic teaching and scholarly activity. This, too, is welcome in sociology.
The world that engages a scientist, as noted by Friedrichs (1970), is one that emerges from a scientific tradition, along with its special vocabulary and grammar and environment. Sociology’s laboratory is the social world and on occasion its practitioners are criticized by those who argue the arcane nature of all that is considered scientific. If the normal science, as described by Thomas Kuhn ( 1970) and Robert W. Friedrichs (1970), is to be realized within the discipline of sociology, then it may depend on efforts of young sociologists (see, e.g., Frickel and Gross 2005) who may capture the essence of such a paradigm in a general theory of scientific/intellectual movements. Such work may also serve to stimulate more thought as to the requisite initiatives essential for subsequently developing the kind of intellectual movement that will define once again, and actively promote, the substance of the sociological perspective.
If the emphasis of American sociology at the beginning of the twentieth century was unsophisticated, armchair science that “featured the study of general society and the ‘system’ of social theory, it reflected not only the almost universal philosophical approach but also the consistency of the best minds in interaction with European philosophy and American higher education” (Odum 1951:421–22). In the mid-twentieth century, sociology, similar to other social and physical sciences, struggled to determine whether the future of the discipline would continue to pursue a general systems theory of society or whether the discipline’s practitioners would develop more theory and then relate these theories to research and the scientific method (Odum 1951:422). At this critical midpoint of the century past, and in recognition of the importance of the discipline, Odum (1951) wrote that there is
the extraordinary need in the contemporary world for a social science to seek special knowledge of human society and welfare and meet the crises brought on by science and technology, so often out of perspective to human relations, and so to provide the basis for not only a social morale in an age of science but for societal survival as well. (P. 3)
At the end of the twentieth century, these comments rang clear, and as we move forward and well into the greater twenty-first-century experience, Odum’s words seem no less germane today than in the past.
Toward establishing the prospects for the future of this great academic discipline, we hasten to add how critical it is and will be to again acknowledge the important work of the founding mothers and fathers of sociology. Thus, at the end of the twentieth century, the state of sociology may have been debatable, but during the initial decades of the twenty-first century, sociologists will undoubtedly take up the challenge to pursue answers to vexing social problems that are, as Fine (2006:14–15) states, embedded with complex, dynamic, interconnected social systems. Some of the solutions to be tendered in the near future may not serve well the needs of all citizens, but these should nonetheless address policy issues relating to social freedom, social justice, and social equality while recognizing that such policies determine the behavior of those actors whom sociologists are intent to study. Herein American sociologists may now have achieved the requisite disciplinary maturity to employ the kind of sociological imagination envisioned by C. Wright Mills (1959) half a century ago. Such a sociology would, in the tradition of Europe, encompass a biography and history within society, thereby allowing sociology to represent not only a scientific enterprise but also to serve as a sensitizing discipline that allows us to continue to view the world in a new and interpretive fashion.
Finally, in some peculiar ways, the vexing problems that capture our attention during the early portion of the twenty-first century parallel those of the early twentieth century; this is true at all levels of society and perhaps even more so within those sectors that heretofore were barricaded from a critical analyses. The actors may have changed but, in general, the public concerns regarding the kinds of behavior tolerated and considered to be appropriate tend to remain the same. And as the moral entrepreneurs of the twenty-first century push their agendas, the new prohibitionist movements continue to capture the attention of policymakers, which may of necessity be cause for some sociologists at least to revisit many of the same topics that held sway in the past. Thus, we will continue to use templates in our lives to understand the world, physical and social, in which we exist. The sociological templates derived from the many conceptual constructs available provide us with a unique and perceptive perspective. As sociology further develops, new conceptual constructs will be added and will contribute to its unique perspective, thereby enhancing our ability to better analyze and understand human social behavior.
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How to Write a Sociology Research Paper with Ease
Sociology is a fascinating field of knowledge that studies human social behavior and is focused on human social groups and structures. It involves empirical research and data analysis as well as the studying of social theory. Students who take sociology classes are typically assigned to write different types of papers, for example, essay, textual analysis, literature review, critical thinking. But the most complicated task is writing a quantitative sociology research paper.
In this article, you will find a detailed guide on how to write a sociology research paper. We will also give you some easy tips on how to organize planning, researching, outlining, editing, and rewriting to help you succeed in completing this complex and time-consuming assignment. Let’s get started.
What Is a Sociology Research Paper?
Sociology research paper is typically written in the report format and is based on text analysis, statistical analysis, interviews etc. When completing this complex sociology assignment, you need to:
- State a question, problem or a hypothesis that should be tested;
- Perform original research that involves using some relevant Internet websites, scholarly books, and scientific journals and provide qualitative and quantitative analysis of data;
- Write a research paper in the report format with Title, Abstract, and References.
When doing your research, you can analyze different types of data and:
- compare points of view of sociologists and opinions of the public on a certain issue;
- apply the theory to current events in the society;
- provide interpretive analysis of socio-historical changes;
- perform ethnographic or field research ( interviews, participant research, observational research).
You can use different types of evidence (primary and secondary sources) to support your argument, for example, observations, interviews, surveys, books, newspapers, scholarly journals, the internet etc.
How to Choose a Good Sociology Research Paper Topic
Choosing a topic for a sociology research paper is a crucial step that has a great impact on the success of your project. Here are some quick tips on how you can do it right.
- Choose a topic that is new to you. It can be challenging to move beyond familiar ideas and take intellectual risks. This experience can be really rewarding for you because you’ll learn something new. You can try to defend a controversial claim, investigate the new idea or question an authority opinion on a particular topic.
- Select the thing which doesn’t make sense. Don’t be afraid to choose a question that you can’t answer immediately. Other people may not be able to provide an answer to that question either and if you try to explore the issue and provide some analysis, you will be able to learn something new and teach other people as well. You think it’s too tough for you? Don’t give up! Go ahead to approach online experts with a write my research paper message. They will help you at this stage.
- Wondering how to deal with open-ended topics? Such topics address topics that are too broad to be covered in the limited space. You should narrow your broad subject to make it manageable. For example, when analyzing sociology text, you can focus on a single text or some texts that have a common topic.
Try a quicker way
Not sure what topic to choose for your paper? Have a look at our short list of effective sociology research paper topics and feel free to use them for creating your own research papers.
- Interracial Marriage in the Past and Today
- What Is the Difference between Race and Ethnicity?
- Impact of Social Media on Young People
- Impact of Technology on The Way People Eat
- Why Do Women Like Romantic Comedies?
- Do Social Media Websites Make People Lonely?
- Dominant Cultures in Multicultural Societies
- Patriotism in The United States
- Bullying in Social Media
- Deviant Behavior of Youth
- Extreme Sport Culture
- Gender Inequality and Job Opportunities
- Impact Of #BlackLivesMatter on the American Society
- Research Occupy Wall Street Movement
- Scientologists in the Contemporary Society
- Results of Geographical Segregation
- The “Culture of Poverty”
- The Significance of The Ancient Hawaiian Culture
- Myths and Legends of Ancient Egypt
- Superstitions in The United States
How to Approach Your Writing Assignment: Our Writers Know Best
Before you start writing for sociology, you should clarify your thinking, plan your project, and determine what work you need to do, for example, find a new source or read a text. Here are some tips that can help you make writing a less painful process.
- Think through your topic before you start writing. You have to develop a working thesis, create an outline or contemplate the general topic.
- When you are thinking about your project, you should take note. You should write down everything that comes to your mind – images, phrase, names, words, fragment sentences even if they seem too simple or insignificant.
- Pose questions that are based on 5Ws – Who? Where? When? What? Why?
- Use free writing to explore your research topic. You should write down everything that comes to your mind during a certain period of time and don’t edit it. When you finish writing, you should look over your notes and if you are lucky, you may even find interesting ideas and insights.
- Make an outline using your ideas. It can be a diagram or a traditional one. A diagram is great for generating new ideas, considering links between certain elements of your argument, and finding relationships between parts of a rather broad topic.
- Making a good outline is a must because it saves tons of time during the writing and revision processes. It’s a plan of what you are going to say.
Components of a Sociology Research Paper
Your instructor can give different guidelines for your sociology research paper but it typically consists of the following components:
Here are some sociology research paper writing tips on how to outline and write these sections.
In this part of your sociology research paper writing, you set up a research question or a problem. After that, you need to briefly explain why addressing this particular problem is important and what the implications might be. Actually, you need to provide an answer to the question: “So what?” that your readers may ask when they finish reading the introduction. Your task is to give them a compelling answer if you want them to continue reading.
In this section, you need to provide your audience with an overview of the previous research on your topic. You can organize the literature review in a number of ways.
- If you are writing a research paper on social change, you’d better use the chronological approach to organize it.
- You can organize your project by methods if you are going to give the critique of the methods that were used by previous research.
- If you are building a theory or giving the critique of the existing one, a good idea is to use a thematic approach.
For example, you may argue that there are 2 approaches to researching your sociology topic: X and Y. But neither of them takes into account Z. You have to convince your audience that Z is very important and there is a need to explain it. And you may build your study on Z or expand the previous researches.
There is one more approach. You can argue that an existing theory doesn’t explain your findings properly. You should give a summary of the existing relevant studies and demonstrate that if the accepted theory was correct, you would get the result X, but in fact, your result is Y. How can finding B be explained. You have to ask a question and build some foundation for an answer. Your research can suggest changes to the existing theories or question the universally accepted theory.
When writing your literature review, you should paraphrase ideas created by others and use quotes only when a certain part of the text describes the specific idea you are referring clearly and briefly.
If the question that you are discussing in your sociology research paper or the case that you use to illustrate your point is unfamiliar to most of your audience, you need to give your readers the background information that explains these aspects to help them understand your paper. You should provide additional information to clarify your point. When you are describing some case, you can also suggest why it is good for finding a relevant answer to your question.
Here you need to provide details about what you actually did to give an answer to your research question and about your reasons for choosing a particular method. If you used statistics for your research, you need to explain why you have chosen a specific data set. If you used interviews as a method for your sociological research, you should provide your readers with the information about the people you interviewed, for example, about their gender, age, occupation etc. and explain why you chose those people and the others. If your sociology research paper is based on the analysis of some texts, you have to explain how and why you chose them. In this section, you also need to provide information about the limitations to your research. Then, you have to explain why the readers should trust your results despite limitations. You have to provide convincing evidence and persuade your audience that you are trustworthy and that your sociology research paper is worth reading.
Now you need to present what you actually found during your research. You have to provide convincing evidence to show your readers that you have answered your research question. In this part of your sociology research paper, you have to cite sources to provide evidence that proves your point of view. If it was a statistical research, you have to report the results of the regressions. If you performed a textual analysis, you need to cite the analyzed texts and explain what these sentences mean for your project. If you conducted interviews or did participant observations, you have to report what the people said.
In the introduction and in the literature review, you presented an answer to your research question. You need to present your answer here and persuade your readers that it is correct.
This section should give a full answer to your “So what?” question. You should “think big” and prove that your findings can be applied to a larger population and speak about important implications for public policy, sociological theory or on our ideas about our society.
How to Revise and Edit Your Draft
All research papers and essays need to be revised more than once if you want to create a strong argument and make a great impression on your readers. During this process, you can expand your argument, improve your analysis, and make connections between different parts. When you rework paragraphs and sentences, you develop a more complex argument. You should also add some additional information to improve the content.
Here are some suggestions on how to organize revising and editing:
- Get feedback from other people to understand how clearly you express your thoughts.
- Make a backward outline of your sociology research paper. Determine the main idea of every paragraph and rank their importance for your thesis statement. Ensure you have transitions between your ideas.
- Rewrite your introduction and conclusion. It’s important to begin every paragraph with a topic sentence and link the ideas of your paragraphs to the ideas of your thesis statement.
- Make changes in the structure to bring the strongest ideas to the beginning of your research paper, cut irrelevant sections, reorder the key points, and add implications.
- Revise your thesis statement to make it stronger. You may even consider changing it altogether.
- Proofread your sociology research paper and make changes to make it precise and concise. You’d better read your research paper aloud to notice stylistic infelicities and make improvements.
Keep in mind that any revision takes time but you should make an effort to improve your first draft and get a clearer and more sophisticated sociology research paper that will impress your professor and bring you a high grade.
Follow our easy tips on how to write an impressive sociology research paper, practice a lot, and you are sure to become a better writer.
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How To Write A Sociology Research Paper Outline
Sociology can be both a very interesting topic, as well as a very confusing one. For those who are tasked with writing a sociology paper, there is a starting point that you must begin with: Sociology research paper outline. Without this, you’re going to find it challenging to keep yourself (as well as your paper) on track. With that in mind, you can learn how to take the first step of writing a sociology paper.
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What is a Sociology Research Paper?
Of course, if you want to write sociological papers, you’re going to need to look at both the writing aspect as well as the more in-depth understanding of the topic that you’ll be covering. If you find yourself worried and keep searching the internet for “ buy research paper online ,” relax. It’s simple. To make it easy to understand, we’ll look at the two parts.
The first ingredient, for a sociology research paper, is, of course, sociology. If you’re writing about it, it’s likely you know what the topic is already. However, we’ll go ahead and give it a concise definition: Sociology is the study of human society. It covers how we developed it, the structure, and its crucial functions. That’s a very broad definition, but it’s all you need to know to get ready to write your sociology term paper.
The second part of this project is going to be the paper part. You’re likely as familiar with the definition of papers as you are with the meaning of sociology. In this instance, a concrete example of what you’ll need to provide is difficult. Most have the same basic makeup such as arguments along with supporting facts as well as the main thesis.
Sociology Paper Format
When writing in sociology class, whether it’s for a term paper or just a general essay, sociology paper will follow the same basic format: An introduction, several body paragraphs, and a conclusion. For those wondering how to write a research summary , this is a secure place to start.
The introduction is where you’ll state to your reader the topic that you will be writing about. As well, you should give the purpose of the piece. Make the reason for the paper clear. It shouldn’t be dull; you need to keep it interesting, so they don’t zone out halfway through. It should also be informative. What good is a paper that doesn’t teach? If you’re worried about how to choose a topic for a research paper, it’s not as difficult as it seems. Simply searching for “research question sociology” can get you there. Even if it isn’t assigned, you can usually choose something involving.
The body paragraphs are what most would consider being “the paper.” This consists of multiple paragraphs and gives individual ideas along with the supporting evidence for them, which is what will make your sociology papers and their arguments strong. Each part should cover one topic and provide all of the information that the reader would need for it. Good investigations make it easy to understand what’s being written about, after all. There should be at least three, but not many more. You don’t want to lose their interest, after all!
The last part of your paper is going to be the conclusion. This is usually relatively brief but delivers the final consensus of your work. You should make it very plain focus readers’ attention on your findings, how your supporting evidence (found in the body paragraphs) led to it, and what it means. There should be no misunderstandings by the time the conclusion is finished.
Sociology Research Paper Outline Template
There are three types of sociology paper outline that you can use: Traditional, conceptual, and post-draft. All of them are different and have their uses. Conceptual outlines are great for those who like to think outside of the box. Instead of just writing, you’re drawing! Here, a circle represents the source, a rectangle – the central theme, and a triangle – the conclusion. They are all interconnected with lines and arrows. A post-draft outline involves writing out what you want to cover on a piece of paper. Do this as the ideas come to you. Write how these are supported. You don’t have to worry about being orderly; just get everything down! Afterward, you can neatly arrange everything by bullet points. By far, the most widely used and best-known is what is called “the traditional outline.” Here, you break down the paper by the format you’ll be writing in. There is generally an introduction, three body paragraphs, and a conclusion. The body paragraphs contain both the main idea for the paragraph and the supporting information for it. Just like in your essay. Generally, it is presented as headings (such as Introduction, Body Paragraphs, and Conclusion shown below) with the numbered or lettered lists beneath them that contain the information needed. This is just a summary, so it should be condensed. You can be a bit lost with it as long as it makes sense to you. Since it’s the most widely used, that’s what we’ll focus on. You can see an example of one below.
- What is the topic of your paper? What is the thesis statement or the main question? Make sure to include it here and to make it clear to the reader.
- What do you intend to do in this paper? Are you arguing for or against something? Or are you simply informing the reader? You should state your intended purpose.
- This is where you will discuss your topic. Try to keep it clear and concise and not overly broad.
- Include any information that supports the topic.
- What is the summary of your paper? What, exactly, did you cover while writing it? Summarize it fairly, but briefly. You don’t need to restate the entire thing!
- What were your conclusions? Lay them out plainly, so that everyone can understand them. Make sure they were supported.
When it’s time to write your sociological paper outline, you need to put some thoughts and efforts into it. A good framework will keep your writing on track; keep your information organized and in one place. Make everything step-by-step through the writing process until you can back up your findings at the end. With the right amount of planning ahead as well as work, you can turn a daunting task into the one that can be easily managed.
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How to Write a Sociology Research Paper
Table of Contents
How to Write a Good Sociology Research Paper
All students of the Sociology department come across the task of writing a sociology research paper from time to time.
Sometimes the task appears easy and manageable, while at other times, it may become an insurmountable challenge. We have prepared a handy guide on the entire process for those experiencing trouble with research paper writing. It will help you develop a workable algorithm of sociology research paper completion regardless of the assigned topic and word count.
Here you will find:
- Valuable sociology research paper guidelines
- A detailed sample outline
- Structuring recommendations
- Sample introduction and conclusion paragraphs
- Suggestions for coherent structuring of the body of your sociology research paper
- Pre-writing and post-writing recommendations.
Read on to find out how the process of completing your sociology research paper can become a hassle-free, enjoyable task.
But if you still feel unable to complete this task on your own, feel free to contact our managers and seek writing assistance from our experts. We’ll have your sociology research paper done in hours, perfectly structured, and well-researched, ensuring top grades and professor’s satisfaction with the result.
What Is a Sociology Research Paper
Starting from the very beginning, let’s define the concept. A sociology research paper is a type of academic assignment dedicated to sociological phenomena, theories, or processes. It may also research some social group or movement, depending on your course and area of interest.
The key difference between an essay and a research paper is the depth of insight. When writing an essay, you can cover the subject briefly, focusing only on several major arguments and offering solid evidence in their support. However, when approaching a research paper, you can immerse much deeper into the subject by studying available theoretical and empirical literature about it, comparing and contrasting the existing standpoints on it, and producing an analytical evaluation.
How to Start a Sociology Research Paper
Our writers typically begin a sociology research paper with the topic formulation and preliminary research. Let’s suppose you are interested in the sociology of groups, and your assignment is to complete a sociology research paper about some group or movement.
The task is too broad to perform insightful, analytical research, so you need to scan the Internet and find some interesting topics within the broad “sociology of groups” theme. Look at the hottest topics in this area, read some articles and book reviews to define the topic narrowly. After this is done, you’ll have all the available material for drafting your paper.
How to Structure a Sociology Research Paper
Now that you have some preliminary findings and are ready to go on with research, it’s time to produce a viable structure for a well-written sociology research paper.
Here are the main elements it should contain:
- An introductory part with the broad introduction of the concept, phenomenon, or group you’re planning to analyze. An introduction typically ends with a thesis statement encapsulating all the key arguments and giving readers a roadmap of the entire work.
- The body of the paper typically takes up to 90% of the paper’s word count and covers all major arguments and evidence you have collected on the subject.
- The paper’s conclusion is a chance to revisit all arguments, to discuss them briefly in the light of how they support your central thesis statement, and to infer how your presented evidence contributes to the broader area of research.
This structure works well for all research papers, regardless of the assignment specifics. So, stick to it to be on the safe side and ensure that all integral components are present.
How to End a Sociology Research Paper
The post-writing stage is not to close the file and send it over to the tutor at lightning speed but to revise and reread the paper attentively, with proper regard to coherence, cohesion, and flow of material.
After the structural alignment is checked and looks good to you, the final touch is to proofread the paper for mechanics – grammar and spelling. Always check the paper’s correspondence to the academic formatting requirements before submission as tutors may deduct up to 5% of the grade for improper margins, indentation, or a wrong choice of font.
Sociology Research Paper Outline
How to write a sociology research paper in APA format? Here is a universal sociology research paper outline suitable for the APA, MLA, Harvard referencing styles, and other formatting approaches.
Let’s say we have chosen the topic “are terrorist groups social movements?” An outline for such a research paper may look as follows.
A definition of social movement or group. Examples of organized social movements. Introduction of the concept of terrorism. Description of social group features inherent in terrorist cells. Thesis statement: the paper will determine whether terrorist cells can be regarded as a distinct social movement or group.
Body of the Paper
Paragraph #1: characteristics of social groups.
Paragraph #2: characteristics of terrorist cells.
Paragraph #3: features that terrorist cells and social movements share (with examples).
Paragraph #4: features that terrorist cells and social movements don’t share (with examples).
Paragraph #5: the degree to which terrorist cells can be regarded as social groups (with a review of authoritative sociologists’ various opinions on the subject).
Social grouping characteristics of terrorist cells. Conditions under which such groupings can be regarded as social movements. The social movement approach is a distinct paradigm for researching and understanding terrorist organizations.
Sociology Research Paper Introduction
Now, let’s illustrate how we can open the sociology research paper on this topic.
“With people being inherently social creatures, social groups have been commonplace since times immemorial. Today, billions of people shape myriads of social groups – social units of people regularly interacting with each other, sharing a common identity, and having some mutual expectations toward each other. With the rise of terrorism, some sociologists have attributed the characteristics of social groups, or movements, to terrorist cells, though with certain reservations. On the one hand, terrorists form loosely structured, fragmented groupings with little to no central control. On the other hand, terrorists are united by common goals and act within command-and-control cells. Thus, the status of terrorist cells in sociological terms is still vague. This research paper analyzes the features of social groups and reviews research on the sociological conceptualization of terrorist organizations.”
Sociology Research Paper Body
For the sociology research paper on terrorism as a social group, we would recommend using the following sections:
- Nature and features of social groups (an analytical discussion citing numerous sources and comparing sociologists’ views on what constitutes a social group).
- Features of terrorist groups (shared with social groups).
- The uniqueness of terrorist groups as polymorphic structures.
- Different social manifestations of terrorist groupings (e.g., formal organizations, networks, and social movements).
Proceeding to the sociology research paper’s body, one should keep in mind that paragraphs, as they are presented here, may be extended to larger sections if your word count allows.
Sociology Research Paper Conclusion
Now that you have considered all features of terrorist groups and social groups, it’s time to wrap up your arguments and return to the introductory thesis statement. Point out the arguments you evaluated as the most persuasive and formulate your vision of terrorist groups in the sociological understanding.
Also, it is beneficial to draw conclusions by referring to a broader context; in this case, it may be the importance of studying terrorist groups as social groupings as this perspective can give better insights into their activities and a tool for curbing their malicious impact.
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How to Write a Sociology Paper: Study Guide
Updated 22 Nov 2022
Sociology is the study of people, their relationships within society. It touches upon a wide range of topics, from religion to communities, from different kinds of conflicts to the behavior of individuals and social groups. This field of science is connected with politics, psychology, economy and what not! That is why while preparing to write your research paper for sociology it is important to apply a multidisciplinary approach, understand research paper definition and how to turn to different fields of science that are closely linked.
How can one possibly cope with such task when there are numerous assignments on other subjects, job, social life, and household duties? Edubirdie.com can prompt you the way out. If you are sick and tired of your academic overload and see no way out, research paper help of qualified writers is what you need.
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Structure of the Sociology Paper
- In the introduction state the problem or question you are going to resolve and discover. You can support or object some well-known hypothesis or address an essential social problem. State a valuable question that gives food for thought and is relevant to the sociology field.
- Proceed with the analysis of used literature. While elaborating this part of your assignment try to incorporate findings of other scientists into your own research.
- Then comes the time for discussing methodology. You are supposed to explain what methods or approaches you used to prove/disprove your hypothesis. It gives validity to your work.
- Later go on discussing your outcomes and findings. For presenting data to your reader use graphs and tables to have a structured flow of numbers and other exponents.
- Discussion. State whether your research is useful for further investigation. Tell how one may improve such type of a survey. What are the advantages and disadvantages of the theme you have chosen? Make your voice heard and opinion clear and understandable.
- Reiterate key points and concepts of your research without going into detail. Do not forget to include all results.
- References should be on a separate sheet of assignment.
Read also: Best term paper writing service
Tips for Improving Your Writing Style and Technique
- Before choosing a topic of your sociology paper, look through sociology topics for a research paper or sociology paper topics .
- Try to state your argument in the first paragraphs.
- Make a sociology research paper outline before starting writing the first pages of your work.
- Introduction and conclusion parts are the most significant paragraphs. They build an impression about your assignment. The reader usually reads them first.
- To make a decent structure and to have a template for your future work try to sift through some English assignments and other samples of the papers on various topics.
- Your arguments in favor of your thesis should be based upon real evidence, data, and statistics.
- Make several sub-headings. In such a way your assignment will be more structured and easy to read.
- Use less direct quotes, try to paraphrase them.
- Try not to use passive constructions.
- Do not apply colloquial style, adhere to academic one, use formal cliches like “This paper argues...”, “After considering the data results, we may state that”, “Despite mounting evidence of...”, “There is substantial disagreement about it...”, “Nevertheless,...”, “Finally,...”, “In conclusion,...” etc.
- Amplify your topic in relation to the historical context.
Common Mistakes in Structuring and Elaborating One's Project
- Spreading oneself too thin while going into details or discussing different aspects of one problem.
- Not following the directions that are stated in your assignment
- Grammatical and spelling mistakes.
- Including irrelevant information.
- Being subjective.
- Incoherence – breaking cause and effect bonds.
Read also: I want to pay someone to do research paper and receive high grades.
Possible Sociology Paper Topics
- “The management model of socio-psychological climate in the enterprises of holding type”
- “Evaluation of staff in the social development of the organization system”
- “Physical culture in the system of social activities”
- “Nuclear energy as a subject of socio-environmental dialogue”
These good sociology research paper topics will give you an impetus towards the direction of your own research.
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Written by Jeremy Raynolds
One of the most hard-working and thoughtful personalities, Jeremy holds a Ph.D. in Psychology and Masters degree in Sociology. Jeremy likes to write about professional development, career growth, education, social issues, and motivation. He believes in the culture of sharing things and learning non-stop, which is why his writing reminds of talking with an old friend who truly cares.
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When writing in sociology class, whether it's for a term paper or just a general essay, sociology paper will follow the same basic format: An introduction
Starting from the very beginning, let's define the concept. A sociology research paper is a type of academic assignment dedicated to
Structure of the Sociology Paper · In the introduction state the problem or question you are going to resolve and discover. · Proceed with the analysis of used